How useful is the Concept of Self Esteem For Supporting Students With Essay

How useful is the Concept of Self Esteem For Supporting Students With Special education Needs - Essay Example This assignment will firstly, begin by my stating my approach to learning about this topic before I joined the course, followed by what I learned about this topic during the course. These two section will be generally based upon personal self-reflection. The next section is academic, as I survey the literature surrounding the topic of self-esteem with regards to special needs students. This is followed by my observations about personal development, and how this impacts self-esteem. The last section is the conclusion, in which all these concepts are drawn together What do Albert Einstein, Alexander Graham Bell, Walt Disney, Whoopi Goldberg and Tom Cruise have in common? Of course, they are all famous people. However, only a few people know that they all suffered from dyslexia, a disability associated with difficulty in reading and spelling words. Albert Einstein was known to suffer from dyslexia mainly because of his bad memory and his constant failure to memorize the simplest of things. Alexander Graham Bell had poor grades. Walt Disney suffered from reading difficulties. Whoopi Goldberg had a lot of difficulty in school and Tom Cruise suffered from abuse as a child, and was also a victim of bullying in school, both of which were partially because he suffered from dyslexia. (Disabled World, 2008). However, they all overcame their disabilities to play a major role in the area of knowledge and entertainment. They refused to let their disabilities define them. They are all examples of individuals who overcame disabilities, partially because of their reliance upon their own self-esteem. When we have a positive self-esteem, we are capable of doing more things and can serve as an inspiration to others. Though there is a feeling sadness and being down, it is just but normal, yet, we must not allow it to define ourselves. We should learn to maximize our level of confidence, because if we feel good

A critical review of an academic article in which ideas about learning Essay

A critical review of an academic article in which ideas about learning relevant to the module are discussed - Essay Example Research on MI has spread like wildfire, critically dissecting every angle and application. Basically, Gardner claims that intelligence is not limited to the cognitive domain, as traditionally conceptualized. He views it in a much broader sense to include the individual’s affective, social and creative domains. He has come up with a number of intelligences a person possesses within him, as follows: Linguistic intelligence – this has to do with how a person uses words to express himself well verbally or in print. Some people just have a natural flair for speaking or writing and keep their audience in awe of the language they use and how it influences them. This intelligence is exhibited by motivational speakers, preachers, orators, writers and journalists. Logical mathematical intelligence – this is what is usually studied by cognitive psychologists and educators, how the mind works with logic, reasoning and mathematical accuracy. This is very much related to critical thinking and analytical skills. Gardner calls it the traditional scholastic intelligence which was given too much focus in schools and intelligence tests. Musical intelligence – this is the ability to create, perform and appreciate music. Gardner rates this equivalent to the other intelligences and refuses to call them mere talents, relegated less than intelligence. This is exhibited by composers, musicians, singers and musical critics or reviewers. Spatial intelligence – this is the capacity to visualize and concretize how things will turn out from the way it was planned, and to accurately estimate space allocations. Such intelligence is displayed by architects, artists, photographers, aviators, navigators and surgeons. Bodily-kinesthetic intelligence – This is the ability to solve problems, express oneself or achieve a lot of goals using one’s body. Not everyone can be as limber and well-coordinated in doing so, unlike dancers, actors, mime artists, athletes and

Approaches to Exceptional Psychology Essay Example for Free

Approaches to Exceptional Psychology Essay Psychoanalysis and psychodynamic therapies are possible in intervention for hydrocephalus. This approach focuses on changing problematic behaviors, feelings, and thoughts by discovering their unconscious meanings and motivations. Psychoanalytically oriented therapies are characterized by a close working partnership between therapist and patient. Patients learn about themselves by exploring their interactions in the therapeutic relationship. While psychoanalysis is closely identified with Sigmund Freud, it has been extended and modified since his early formulations. Psychoanalytic therapies have a strong research base confirming their efficacy. Hydrocephalus is usually the result of another medical problem within the skull. Medical interventions of hydrocephalus usually include a surgical shunt or medication or both. Therapist and patients should have a good relationship with each other. Cognitive approach Cognitive approach can be either applied in hydrocephalus intervention. Cognitive therapy emphasizes what people think rather than what they do. Cognitive therapists believe that its dysfunctional thinking that leads to dysfunctional emotions or behaviors. By changing their thoughts, people can change how they feel and what they do. The therapist role is to strengthen and encourage the families of the client that there is still hope inspite of the unwanted condition. The therapist can change the mindset of the client and the families of the client to still look in the positive outlook of the situation. While there is no cure for this ailment, there are still two surgical treatment that can be applied to Hydrocephalus. These are Shunt Placement and Third Ventriculostomy. Shunt Placement diverts the flow of cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) from a site within the central nervous system (CNS) to another area of the body where it can be absorbed as part of the circulatory process. For some people, hydrocephalus treatment can be performed using an alternative procedure called third ventriculostomy. With this option, a neuroendoscope(a small camera designed to visualize small and difficult-to-reach surgical areas)allows a healthcare provider to view the ventricular surface using fiber optic technology. The scope is guided into position so that a small hole can be made in the floor of the third ventricle, allowing the CSF to bypass the obstruction and flow toward the site of resorption around the surface of the brain. Approaches to treating hydrocephalus are both patient-focused and family-centered. Therapist should never lose sight of the fact that the client is , first and foremost, an individual—not merely a patient.

Mental Health Care for Latin Americans Essay Example for Free

Mental Health Care for Latin Americans Essay Abstract The Hispanic population in the United States has rapidly increased over the last decade and is underrepresented and cared for in mental health services. By understanding their culture and learning about the environment they live in therapists can better meet the patient’s needs. This paper covers Historical content, Family structure, Education, Rates of Psychiatric Disorders symptoms, and what to do as a therapist for Latino/Hispanic clients. Also discussed will be some research showing patterns of mental health changes between Hispanics that were born in America and those that were born in South America. This paper shouldn’t end your study in this area but serve as a motivator for further education. Mental Health Care for Latin Americans and Hispanic Americans When learning to counsel Latin/Hispanic Americans it is important to know a few facts about their culture and rates of mental illness. There are a few cultural bonds shared be Latin/Hispanic Americans. One of the biggest bonds is the Spanish language. The Spanish language and culture are common bonds for many Hispanic Americans, regardless of whether they trace their ancestry to Africa, Asia, Europe, or the Americas. The immigrant experience is another common bond. Nevertheless, Hispanic Americans are very heterogeneous in the circumstances of their migration and in other characteristics. To understand their mental health needs, it is important to examine both the shared and unique experiences of different groups of Hispanic Americans. One of the most distinguishing characteristics of the Hispanic/ Latin American population is its rapid growth. In the 2000 census the number of Hispanics counted rose to 35. 3 million, roughly equal to the number of African Americans (U. S. Census Bureau, 2001a). In fact, census projections indicate that by 2050, the number of Latinos will increase to 97 million; this number will constitute nearly one-fourth of the U. S. population. Projections for the proportion of Hispanic youth are even higher. It is predicted that nearly one-third of those under 19 years of age will be Hispanic by 2050 (Spencer Hollmann, 1998). Persons of Mexican origin comprise the largest proportion of Latinos (almost two-thirds), with the remaining third distributed primarily among persons of Puerto Rican, Cuban, and Central American origin, (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001b). It is noteworthy that nearly two-thirds of Hispanics (64 %) were born in the United States (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000c). Another common bond is migration or immigration. Puerto Ricans began arriving in large numbers on the U. S. mainland after World War II as Puerto Ricos population increased. High unemployment among displaced agricultural workers on the island also led to large-scale emigration to the mainland United States that continued through the 1950s and 1960s. In the 1980s, the migration pattern became more circular as many Puerto Ricans chose to return to the island. One distinctive characteristic of Puerto Rican migration is that the second Organic Act, or Jones Act, of 1917 granted Puerto Ricans U. S. citizenship. Although Cubans came to the United States in the second half of the 19th century and in the early part of the 20th century, the greatest influx of Cuban immigrants began after Fidel Castro overthrew the Fulgencio Batista government in 1959. First, an elite group of Cubans came, but immigration continued with people making the dangerous crossing to the United States by makeshift watercraft (Bernal Shapiro, 1996). Some of these immigrants, such as the educated professionals who came to the United States during the early phase of Cuban migration, have become well established, where-as others who arrived with few economic resources are less so. Unlike immigrants from several other countries, many Cubans have gained access to citizenship and federal support through their status as political refugees. Central Americans are the newest Latino subgroup in the United States. Many Central Americans fled their countries â€Å"por la situacion†, a phrase that refers to the political terror and atrocities in their homelands. Although the specific social, historical, and political contexts differ in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua, conflicts in those countries led to a significant immigration of their citizens. About 21 percent of foreign-born Central Americans arrived in the United States between 1970 and 1979, and the bulk (about 70 %) arrived between 1980 and 1990 (Farias, 1994). The circumstances that caused various Hispanic groups to migrate greatly influence their experience in the United States. Cubans fled a Communist government, and, as a result, the U. S. Government has provided support through refugee or entrant status, work permits (Gil Vega, 1996), and citizenship. More than half (51 %) of Cuban immigrants have become U. S. citizens, compared to only 15 percent of Mexican immigrants (U. S. Census Bureau, 1998). Puerto Ricans, whether born on the mainland or in Puerto Rico, are by definition U. S. citizens and, as a result, have access to government-sponsored support services. However many Central American immigrants are not recognized as political refugees, despite the fact that the war-related trauma and terror that preceded their immigration may place them at high risk for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and may make adjustment to their new home more difficult. Many Latinos who arrive without proper documentation have difficulty obtaining jobs or advancing in them and live with the chronic fear of deportation. Finally, many Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Central Americans, and recent Cuban immigrants come as unskilled laborers or displaced agricultural workers who lack the social and economic resources to ease their adjustment. Hispanics are highly concentrated in the U. S. Southwest In 2000, 60 percent lived in five Southwestern States (California, Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, and Texas). Approximately half of all Hispanic Americans live in two States, California and Texas (U. S. Census Bureau, 2001b). While many Southwestern Latinos are recent immigrants, others are descendants of Mexican and Spanish settlers who lived in the territory before it belonged to the United States. Some of these descendants, particularly those in New Mexico and Colorado, refer to themselves as Hispanos. More recent immigrants from Mexico and Central America are drawn to the Southwest because of its proximity to their home countries, its employment opportunities, and its established Latino communities, which can help them, find jobs. Outside the Southwest, New York, Florida, and Illinois are home to the largest concentrations of Hispanics. New York has 8. 1 percent, Florida, 7. 6 percent, and Illinois, 4. 3 percent of all the Latinos estimated to reside in the United States in 2000 (U. S. Census Bureau, 2001b). Two-thirds of Puerto Ricans on the mainland live in New York and New Jersey, and two-thirds of Cuban Americans live in Florida (Population Reference Bureau, 2000). Although specific subgroups of Latinos are associated with specific geographical regions, important demographic shifts have resulted in the increased visibility of Latinos throughout the United States. From 1990 to 2000, Latinos more than doubled in number in the following six states: Arkansas (170 %), Nevada (145 %), North Carolina (129 %), Georgia (120 %), Nebraska (108 %), and Tennessee (105 %) (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000c). Of the six States, Nevada is the only one located in a region with traditionally high concentrations of Latinos. Thus, in addition to growing in numbers, Hispanic Americans are spreading throughout the United States. Latinos are often referred to as family oriented (Sabogal et al. , 1987). It is important to note that familism is as much a reflection of social processes as of cultural practice (Lopez Guarnaccia, 2000). Specifically, the shared experience of immigrating to a new land or of experiencing difficult social conditions in ones homeland can promote adherence to family ties. In many cases, family connections facilitate survival and adjustment. The importance of family can be seen in Hispanic living arrangements. Although family characteristics vary by Latino subgroups, as a whole, Latinos, like Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, are most likely to live in family households and least likely to live alone. In addition, children (especially the females) tend to remain in the family until they marry Overall, Hispanics have less formal education than the national average. Of Latinos over 25 years of age, only 56 percent have graduated from high school, and only 11 percent have graduated from college. Nationally, 83 percent and 25 percent of the same age group have graduated from high school and college respectively (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000b). Hispanics educational attainment is related to their place of birth. In 1999, only 44 percent of foreign-born Hispanic adults 25 years and older were high school graduates, compared to 70 percent of U. S. -born Hispanic adults (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000b). The dropout rate for foreign-born Hispanics ages 16 to 24 is more than twice the dropout rate for U. S. -born Hispanics in the same age range (Kaufman et al. , 1999). A recent study of middle school Latino students questions why foreign-born adolescents and adults have the worst educational outcomes (C. Suarez-Orozco M. Suarez-Orozco, 1995). The study concluded that recent immigrants from Mexico and El Salvador had at least the same, or in some cases greater motivation to achieve than white or U. S. -born Mexican American students. The educational achievement of three of the main Hispanic subgroups reveals further variability. Cubans have the highest percentage of formally educated people. Of persons over 25 years of age, 70 percent of Cuban Americans have graduated from high school, whereas 64 percent of Puerto Ricans and 50 percent of Mexican Americans have graduated from high school (U. S.Census Bureau, 2000d). Moreover, one-fourth of Cuban Americans have graduated from college, which is identical to the college graduation rate of Americans overall. In contrast, Puerto Rican and Mexican-origin adults have lower college graduation rates, 11 percent and 7 percent respectively. Although Latinos as a group have poorer educational outcomes than other ethnic groups, there is sufficient variability to offer hope for them to catch up. Another shared area is income. The economic status of three of the main subgroups parallels their educational status. Cuban Americans are more affluent in standing than Puerto Ricans and Mexican Americans, as reflected in median family incomes (Cubans, $39,530; Puerto Ricans, $28,953; Mexicans, $27,883), the percentage of persons below the poverty line (Puerto Ricans, 31 %; Mexicans, 27 %; Cubans, 14 %) and the unemployment rates of persons 16 years and older (Puerto Ricans, 7 %; Mexicans, 7 %; Cubans, 5 %) (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000d). The current income levels of the Latino subgroups are also related to the political and historical circumstances of their immigration. Elite Cuban immigrants have contributed in part to the relatively strong economic status of Cuban Americans. Their experience, however, stands in stark contrast to that of Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Central Americans, most of who came to the United States as unskilled laborers. Historical and Sociocultural Factors That Relate to Mental Health Historical and sociocultural factors suggest that, as a group, Latinos are in great need of mental health services. Latinos, on average, have relatively low educational and economic status. In addition, historical and social subgroup differences create differential needs within Latino groups. Central Americans may be in particular need of mental health services given the trauma experienced in their home countries. Puerto Rican and Mexican American children and adults may be at a higher risk than Cuban Americans for mental health problems, given their lower educational and economic resources. Recent immigrants of all backgrounds, who are adapting to the United States, are likely to experience a different set of stressors than long-term Hispanic residents. Key Issues for Understanding the Research Much of our current understanding of the mental health status of Latinos, particularly among adult populations, is derived from epidemiological studies of prevalence rates of mental disorders, diagnostic entities established by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM; American Psychiatric Association, 1994). The advantage of focusing on rates of disorders is that such findings can be compared with and contrasted to findings from studies in other domains (e. g. , clinical studies) using the same diagnostic criteria. Although there are several advantages to examining DSM-based clinical data, there are at least three disadvantages. One limitation is that individuals may experience considerable distress-a level of distress that disrupts their daily functioning-but the symptoms associated with the distress fall short of a given diagnostic threshold. So, if only disorder criteria are used, some individuals need for mental health care may not be recognized. A second disadvantage is that the current definitions of the diagnostic entities have little flexibility to take into account culturally patterned forms of distress and disorder. As a result, disorders in need of treatment may not be recognized or may be mislabeled. A third limitation is that most of the epidemiological studies using the disorder-based definitions are conducted in community household surveys. They fail to include nonhousehold members, such as persons without homes or those who reside in institutions. Because of these limitations, it is important to broaden the review of research on mental health needs to include not only studies that report on disorders but include high-need populations not usually included in household-based surveys. Mental Disorders Adults A study found that Mexican Americans and white Americans had very similar rates of psychiatric disorders (Robins Regier, 1991). However, when the Mexican American group was separated into two sub-groups, those born in Mexico and those born in the United States, it was found that those born in the United States had higher rates of depression and phobias than those born in Mexico (Burnam et al. , 1987). The study found that relative to whites, Mexican Americans had fewer lifetime disorders overall and fewer anxiety and substance use disorders. Like some other findings, Mexican Americans born outside the United States were found to have lower prevalence rates of any lifetime disorders than Mexican Americans born in the United States. Relative to whites, the lifetime prevalence rates did not differ for Puerto Ricans, or for Other Hispanics. However, the sample sizes of the latter two subgroups were quite small, thus limiting the statistical power to detect group differences (Ortega et al. , 2000). A third study examined rates of psychiatric disorders in a large sample of Mexican Americans residing in Fresno County, California (Vega et al. , 1998). This study found that the lifetime rates of mental disorders among Mexican American immigrants born in Mexico were remarkably lower than the rates of mental disorders among Mexican Americans born in the United States. Overall, approximately 25 percent of the Mexican immigrants had some disorder (including both mental disorders and substance abuse), whereas 48 percent of the U. S. -born Mexican Americans had a disorder (Vega et al. , 1998). Furthermore, the length of time that these Latinos had spent in the United States appeared to be an important factor in the development of mental disorders. Immigrants who had lived in the United States for at least 13 years had higher prevalence rates of disorders than those who had lived in the United States fewer than 13 years (Vega et al. , 1998). It is interesting to note that the mental disorder prevalence rates of U. S. -born Mexican Americans closely resembled the rates among the general U.S. population. In contrast, the Mexican-born Fresno residents lower prevalence rates were similar to those found in a Mexico City study (e. g. , for any affective disorder: Fresno, 8 %, Mexico City, 9 %) (Caraveo-Anduaga et al. , 1999). Together, the results from the ECA, the NCS, and the Fresno studies suggest that Mexican-born Latinos have better mental health than do U. S. -born Mexican Americans and the national sample overall. A similar pattern has been found in other sets of studies. One study examined the mental health of Mexicans and Mexican Americans who were seen in family practice settings in two towns equidistant from the Mexican border (Hoppe et al. , 1991). This investigation found that 8 percent of the Mexican American participants had experienced a lifetime episode of depression, whereas only 4 percent of Mexican participants had experienced depression. The most striking finding from the set of adult epidemiological studies using diagnostic measures is that Mexican immigrants, Mexican immigrants who lived fewer than 13 years in the United States, or Puerto. Ricans who resided on the island of Puerto Rico had lower prevalence rates of depression and other disorders than did Mexican Americans who were born in the United States, Mexican immigrants who lived in the United States 13 years or more, or Puerto Ricans who lived on the mainland. This consistent pattern of findings across independent investigators, different sites, and two Latino subgroups (Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans) suggests that factors associated with living in the United States are related to an increased risk of mental disorders. Some authors have interpreted these findings as suggesting that acculturation may lead to an increased risk of mental disorders e. g. , Vega et al. , 1998. The limitation of this explanation is that none of the noted epidemiological studies directly tested whether acculturation and prevalence rates are indeed related. At best, place of birth and numbers of years living in the United States are proxy measures of acculturation. However, acculturation is a complex process (LaFromboise et al. , 1993); it is not clear what aspect or aspects of acculturation could be related to higher rates of disorders. Is it the changing cultural values and practices, the stressors associated with such changes, or negative encounters with American institutions (e. g. , schools or employers) that cause some of the different prevalence rates (Betancourt Lopez, 1993)? Before acculturation can be accepted as an explanation for this observed pattern of findings, it is important that direct tests of specific acculturation processes be carried out and that alternative explanations for these findings be ruled out. More research would be especially helpful in identifying the key predictors of Latinos mental health and mental illness. Older Adults Few studies have examined the mental health status of older Hispanic American adults. A study of 703 Los Angeles area Hispanics age 60 or above found over 26 percent had major depression or dysphoria. Depression was related to physical health; only 5. 5 percent of those without physical health complications reported depression (Kemp et al. , 1987). Similar findings associated chronic health conditions and disability with depressive symptoms in a sample of 2,823 older community-dwelling Mexican Americans (Black et al. , 1998). The findings from in-home interviews of 2,723 Mexican Americans age 65 or older in Southwestern communities revealed a relationship between low blood pressure and higher levels of depressive symptomatology (Stroup-Benham et al. , 2000). These data are somewhat difficult to interpret. Given the fact that somatic symptoms (e. g. , difficulty sleeping and loss of appetite) are related to poor health, these studies could simply document that these somatic symptoms are elevated among older Hispanics who are ill. On the other hand, presence of physical illness is also related to depression. Taken together, these findings indicate that older Latin/Hispanics who have health problems may be at risk for depression. Furthermore, a recent study suggests that the risk for Alzheimers disease may be higher among Latin/Hispanic Americans than among white Americans (Tang et al. , 1998). Symptoms The early epidemiological studies of Latinos/Hispanics examined the number of symptoms, not the number of mental disorders, reported by groups of Latin/ Hispanic Americans, and in some cases compared them to the number of symptoms reported by white Americans. Much of this research found that Latinos/Hispanics had higher rates of depression or distress than whites Frerichs et al. , 1981. In a large-scale study of Latin/ Hispanics Americans, Cuban Americans (Narrow et al. , 1990) and Mexican Americans (Moscicki et al. , 1989) were found to have lower rates of depressive symptoms than Puerto Ricans from the New York City metropolitan area Moscicki et al. , 1987; Potter et al. , 1995. In another line of inquiry, Latin/Hispanic American mothers who have children with mental retardation were found to report high levels of depressive symptomatology. It is important to note that measures of symptoms may reflect actual disorders that may not be measured in a given study, as well as general distress associated with social stressors but not necessarily associated with disorders. Two studies provide evidence that depressive symptom indices used with Latinos tend to measure distress more than disorder. In one study, rates of depressive symptoms were found to be similar among poor Puerto Ricans living in New York City and in Puerto Rico (Vera et al. , 1991), even though earlier analyses indicated different rates of major depression for the two samples Canino et al., 1987; Moscicki et al. , 1987. In the second study, symptoms of depression were less related to diagnosis of depression for those Hispanics who were economically disadvantaged than for those Hispanics more socially advantaged (Cho et al. , 1993). If an index of depressive symptoms were an indicator of both general distress and disorder, then that index would have been related to a diagnosis of depression for both economically advantaged and disadvantaged samples. Culture-Bound Syndromes DSM-IV recognizes the existence of culturally related syndromes, referred to in the appendix of DSM as culture-bound syndromes. Relevant examples of these syndromes for Latin/Hispanic Americans are â€Å"susto† (fright), â€Å"nervios† (nerves), and â€Å"mal de ojo† (evil eye). One expression of distress that is most commonly associated with Caribbean Latinos but has been recognized in other Latinos as well is â€Å"ataques de nervios† (Guarnaccia et al. , 1989). Symptoms of an ataque de nervios include screaming uncontrollably, crying, trembling, and verbal or physical aggression. Dissociative experiences, seizure-like or fainting episodes, and suicidal gestures are also prominent in some ataques. In one study carried out in Puerto Rico, researchers found that 14 percent of the population reported having had ataques (Guarnaccia et al. , 1993). Furthermore, in detailed interviews of 121 individuals living in Puerto Rico (78 of who had had an ataque), experiencing these symptoms was related to major life problems and subsequent psychological suffering (Guarnaccia et al. , 1996). There is value in identifying specific culture-bound syndromes such as ataques de nervios because it is critical to recognize the existence of conceptions of distress and illness outside traditional psychiatric classification systems. These are often referred to as popular, lay, or common sense conceptions of illness or illness behavior (Koss-Chioino Canive, 1993). Some of these popular conceptions may have what appear to be definable boundaries, while others are more fluid and cut across a wide range of symptom clusters. For example, many people of Mexican origin apply the more general concept of nervios to distress that is not associated with DSM disorders, as well as to distress that is associated with anxiety disorders, depressive disorders (Salgado de Snyder et al., 2000), and schizophrenia (Jenkins, 1988). Though it is valuable for researchers and clinicians alike to learn about specific culture-bound syndromes, it is more important that they assess variable local representations of illness and distress. The latter approach casts a wider net around understanding the role of culture in illness and distress. In the following quote, Koss-Chioino (1992) (page 198) points out that a given presenting problem can have multiple levels of interpretation: the mental health view, the folk healing view (in this case, spiritist), and the patients view. The same woman, during one episode of illness, may experience depression in terms of hallucinations, poor or excessive appetite, memory problems, and feelings of sadness or depression, if she presents to a mental health clinic; or, alternatively, in terms of backaches, leg aches, and fear, if she attends a Spiritist session. However, she will probably experience headaches, sleep disturbances, and nervousness regardless of the resource she uses. If we encounter her at the mental health clinic, she may explain her distress as due to disordered or out-of-control mind, behavior, or lifestyle. In the Spiritist session she will probably have her distress explained as an obsession. And if we encounter her before she seeks help from either of these treatment resources, she may describe her problems as due to difficulties with her husband or children. Individuals with Alcohol and Drug Problems Studies have consistently shown that rates of substance abuse are linked with rates of mental disorders (Kessler et al. , 1996). Most studies of alcohol use among Hispanics indicate that rates of use are either similar to or slightly below those of whites (Kessler et al. , 1994). However, two factors influence these rates. First, gender differences in rates of Latinos use are often greater than the gender differences observed between whites. Latinas are particularly unlikely to use alcohol or drugs (Gilbert, 1987). In some cases, Latino men are more likely to use substances than white men. For example, in the Los Angeles ECA study, Mexican American men (31 %) had significantly higher rates of alcohol abuse and dependence than non-Hispanic white men (21 %). In addition, more alcohol-related problems have been found among Mexican American men than among white men (Cunradi et al., 1999). A second factor associated with Latinos rates of substance abuse is place of birth. In the Fresno study (Vega et al. , 1998), rates of substance abuse were much higher among U. S. -born Mexican Americans compared to Mexican immigrants. Specifically, substance abuse rates were seven times higher among U. S. -born women compared to immigrant women. For men, the ratio was 2 to 1. U. S. -born Mexican American youth also had higher rates of substance abuse than Mexican-born youth (Swanson et al. , 1992). The study of mental disorders and substance abuse among Latinos suggests two specific types of strengths that Latinos may have. First, as noted, Latino adults who are immigrants have lower prevalence rates of mental disorders than those born in the United States. Among the competing explanations of these findings is that Latino immigrants may be particularly resilient in the face of the hardships they encounter in settling in a new country. If this is the case, then the identification of what these immigrants do to reduce the likelihood of mental disorders could be of value for all Americans. One of many possible factors that might contribute to their resilience is what Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco (1995) refer to as a dual frame of reference. Investigators found that Latino immigrants in middle-school frequently used their families back home as reference points in assessing their lives in the United States. Given that the social and economic conditions are often much worse in their homelands than in the United States, they may experience less distress in handling the stressors of their daily lives than those who lack such a basis of comparison. U. S. -born Latinos are more likely to compare themselves with their peers in the United States. Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco argue that these Latino children are more aware of what they do not have and thus may experience more distress. A second factor noted by the Suarez-Orozcos that might be related to the resilience of Latino immigrants is their high aspiration to succeed. Particularly noteworthy is that many Latinos want to succeed in order to help their families, rather than for their own personal benefit. Because the Suarez-Orozcos did not include measures of mental health, it is not certain whether their observations about school achievement apply to mental health. Nevertheless, a dual frame of reference and collective achievement goals are part of a complex set of psychological, cultural, and social factors that may explain why some Latino immigrants function better than Latinos of later generations. A second type of strength noted in the literature is how Latino families cope with mental illness. Guarnaccia and colleagues (1992) found that some families draw on their spirituality to cope with a relatives serious mental illness. Strong beliefs in God give some family members a sense of hope. For example, in reference to her brothers mental illness, one of the informants commented: We all have an invisible doctor that we do not see, no? This doctor is God. Always when we go in search of a medicine, we go to a doctor, but we must keep in mind that this doctor is inspired by God and that he will give us something that will help us. We must also keep in mind that who really does the curing is God, and that God can cure us of anything that we have, material or spiritual. (p. 206) Jenkins (1988) found that many Mexican Americans attributed their relatives schizophrenia to nervios, a combination of both physical and emotional ailments. An important point here is that nervios implies that the patient is not blameworthy, and thus family members are less likely to be critical. Previous studies from largely non-Hispanic samples have found that both family criticism and family blame and criticism together (Lopez et al., 1999) are associated with relapse in patients with schizophrenia. Mexican American families living with a relative who has schizophrenia are not only less likely to be critical, but also those who are Spanish-speaking immigrants have been found to be high in warmth. This is important because those patients who returned from a hospital stay to a family high in warmth were less likely to relapse than those who returned to families low in warmth. Thus, Mexican American families warmth may help protect the relative with schizophrenia from relapse. The spirituality of Latino families, their conceptions of mental illness and their warmth all contribute to the support they give in coping with serious mental illness. Although limited, the attention given to Latinos possible strengths is an important contribution to the study of Latino mental health. Strengths are protective factors against distress and disorder and can be used to develop interventions to prevent mental disorders and to promote well-being. Such interventions could be used to inform interventions for all Americans, not just Latinos. In addition, redirecting attention to strengths helps point out the overemphasis researchers and practitioners give to pathology, clinical entities, and treatment, rather than to health, well-being, and prevention. Availability of Mental Health Services Finding mental health treatment from Spanish-speaking providers is likely to be a problem for many Spanish-speaking Hispanics. In the 1990 census, about 40 percent of Latinos reported that they either didnt speak English or didnt speak English well. Thus, a significant proportion of Latinos need. Spanish-speaking mental health care providers. Presently there are no national data to indicate the language skills of the Nations mental health professionals. However, a few studies reveal that there are few Spanish-speaking and Latino providers. One survey of 1,507 school psychologists who carry out psychoeducational assessments of bilingual children in the eight States with the highest percentages of Latinos found that 43 percent of the psychologists identified themselves as English-speaking monolinguals (Ochoa et al. , 1996). In other words, a large number of Engli.

Engine Failure Of Flight 191 Engineering Essay

Engine Failure Of Flight 191 Engineering Essay The loss of the engine by itself should not have been enough to cause the accident.[12] Flight 191 would have been perfectly capable of returning to the airport using its remaining two engines, as the DC-10 is capable of staying airborne with any single engine out of operation. However, several other factors combined to cause a catastrophic loss of control. The engine separation had severed the hydraulic lines that controlled the aircrafts leading-edge wing slats (retractable devices that decrease a wings stall speed during takeoff and landing). The damage to the lines caused a loss of hydraulic pressure, which in turn led to uncommanded retraction of the outboard slats in the left wing.[1] Unlike other aircraft designs, the DC-10 did not include a separate mechanism to lock the slats in place.[1] Investigators examined the flight data recorder (FDR) and conducted wind tunnel tests and flight simulator tests to understand the trajectory of flight 191 after the engine detached and the slats retracted. These tests established that the damage to the wing leading edge and retraction of the slats increased the stall speed of the left wing from 124kt to 159kt.[1] Comparison of the FDR data and the simulator tests showed that the pilots of flight 191 had followed the procedure for engine failure at take-off. This procedure called for the captain to go to VHYPERLINK http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/V_Speeds#Other_reference_speeds2 (standard safety takeoff speed) which for flight 191 was 153kt, 6kt below the stall speed.[1] At the time the engine fell off the aircraft, flight 191 was already travelling at 165kt, safely above the stall speed. Thus, by slowing the aircraft to 153kt in accordance with the emergency procedure, the pilots inadvertently induced the stall which proved fatal. Following this accident, McDonnell Douglas revised the procedure, advising that if the aircraft was already flying faster than V2 plus 10kt the pilots should maintain a margin of 10kt above V2.[1] The DC-10 incorporates two warning devices which might have alerted the pilots to the impending stall: the slat disagreement warning light which should have illuminated after the uncommanded retraction of the slats, and the stall warning system (stick-shaker) which activates close to the stall speed. Unfortunately, both of these warning devices were powered by an electric generator driven by the no. 1 engine; following the loss of that engine, they both became inoperative.[1] [edit] Engine separation An FAA diagram of the DC-10 engine and pylon assembly indicating the failed aft pylon attach fitting. From an examinaton of the detached engine, the NTSB concluded that the pylon attachment had been damaged before the crash.[1] Investigators looked at the planes maintenance history and found that its most recent service was eight weeks before the crash, in which engine number one had been removed from the aircraft, however the pylon, the rigging holding the engine onto the wing, had been damaged during the procedure. The original procedure called for removal of the engine prior to the removal of the engine pylon, but American Airlines had begun to use a procedure that saved approximately 200 man-hours per aircraft and more importantly from a safety standpoint, it would reduce the number of disconnects (i.e., hydraulic and fuel lines, electrical cables, and wiring) from 72 to 27.[1] The new procedure involved mechanics removing the engine with the pylon as one unit, rather than the engine, and then the pylon. A large forklift was used to support the engine while it was being detached from the wing a procedure that was found to be extremelly difficult to execute successfully, due to difficulties with holding the engine assembly straight while it was being removed. The field service representative from the manufacturer, McDonnell-Douglas, said it would not encourage this procedure due to the element of risk and had so advised American. However, McDonnell-Douglas does not have the authority to either approve or disapprove the maintenance procedures of its customers.[1] The accident investigation also concluded that the design of the pylon and adjacent surfaces made the parts difficult to service and prone to damage by maintenance crews. The NTSB reported that there were two different approaches to the one-step procedure: using an overhead hoist or using a forklift. United Airlines used a hoist; American and Continental Airlines used a forklift. According to the NTSB, all the cases wherein impact damage was sustained and cracks found involved the use of the forklift.[1] Under the procedure American used, if the forklift was in the wrong position, the engine would rock like a see-saw and jam against the pylon attachment points. The forklift operator was guided by hand and voice signals; the position had to be spot-on or could cause damage. Management was aware of this. The modification to the aircraft involved in Flight 191 did not go smoothly. Engineers started to disconnect the engine and pylon, but changed shift halfway through. When work continued, the pylon was jammed on the wing and the forklift had to be repositioned. This was important evidence because, in order to disconnect the pylon from the wing, a bolt had to be removed so that the flange could strike the clevis. The procedure used caused an indentation that damaged the clevis pin assembly and created an indentation in the housing of the self-aligning bearing, which in turn weakened the structure sufficiently to cause a small stress fracture. The fracture went unnoticed for several fligh ts, getting worse with each flight. During Flight 191s takeoff, enough force was generated to finally cause the pylon to fail. At the point of rotation, the engine detached and was flipped over the top of the wing. [edit] Conclusion The findings of the investigation by the National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) were released on December 21, 1979:[1] The National Transportation Safety Board determines that the probable cause of this accident was the asymmetrical stall and the ensuing roll of the aircraft because of the uncommanded retraction of the left wing outboard leading edge slats and the loss of stall warning and slat disagreement indication systems resulting from maintenance-induced damage leading to the separation of the No. 1 engine and pylon assembly at a critical point during takeoff. The separation resulted from damage by improper maintenance procedures which led to failure of the pylon structure. Contributing to the-cause of the accident were the vulnerability of the design of the pylon attach points to maintenance damage; the vulnerability of the design of the leading edge slat system to the damage which produced asymmetry; deficiencies in Federal Aviation Administration surveillance and reporting systems which failed to detect and prevent the use of improper maintenance procedures; deficiencies in the practices and communications among the operators, the manufacturer, and the FAA which failed to determine and disseminate the particulars regarding previous maintenance damage incidents; and the intolerance of prescribed operational procedures to this unique emergency. The NTSB determined that the damage to the left wing engine pylon had occurred during an earlier engine change at the American Airlines aircraft maintenance facility in Tulsa, Oklahoma on March 29 and 30, 1979.[1] The evidence came from the flange, a critical part of the pylon assembly. [edit] Aftermath First responders survey the Flight 191 crash site in Des Plaines, Illinois. Problems with DC-10s were discovered as a cause of the accident, including deficiencies in both design specifications and maintenance procedures which made damage very likely. In response to this incident, American Airlines was fined by the United States government $500,000 for improper maintenance procedures[12]. Two weeks after the accident, on June 6, the FAA ordered all DC-10s to be grounded until all problems were solved. The ban was lifted on July 13.[13] The crash of another DC-10 in November 1979, Air New Zealand Flight 901, would only add to the DC-10s negative reputation at the time however, Flight 901 was caused by several human and environmental factors not related to the airworthiness of the DC-10, and the aircraft was later completely exonerated in that accident. Although McDonnell Douglas employees participated in an Im proud of the DC-10 campaign, the companys shares fell more than 20% following the crash of Flight 191. In 1997, the McDonnell Douglas company was taken over by its rival, Boeing. Despite the safety concerns, the DC-10 went on to outsell its closest competitor, the Lockheed L-1011 TriStar, by nearly 2 to 1. This was due to the L-1011s launch being delayed, the introduction of the DC-10-30 long range model without a competing TriStar variant, and the DC-10 having a greater choice of engines (the L-1011 was only available with Rolls-Royce engines, while the DC-10 could be ordered with General Electric or Pratt HYPERLINK http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pratt__WhitneyHYPERLINK http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pratt__Whitney Whitney engines). The DC-10 program also benefited from obtaining a U.S. Air Force contract to develop a long-range refueller, which culminated in the KC-10 Extender. Lockheed had no such support for the TriStar, and halted production in 1982. NTSB investigation The crash of flight 191 brought fierce criticism from the media because it was the fourth fatal accident involving a DC-10 at the time. Six hundred and twenty-two people had died in DC-10 accidents, including flight 191. As the weather was perfect for flying and there was no indication that a flock of birds or another plane caused the crash, the remains of engine #1 raised serious concerns of the safety of the DC-10. The separated engine was not the only concern, as the public wanted to know whether the detached engine was the only cause of the crash. Investigators wondered if a fire was possibly the cause, as this was backed up by testimony from air traffic controller Ed Rucker who said he saw a flash from the wing. This raised concerns that 191 was the result of a terrorist attack. Sixty witnesses who saw the plane on the runway ruled out a bomb, as they all saw engine #1 swing forward then flip up and over the top of the wing, which pointed to structural failure as the cause. The findings of the investigation by the National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) were released on December 21, 1979. It revealed the probable cause to be attributable to damage to the left wing engine pylon that occurred during an earlier engine change at American Airliness aircraft maintenance facility in Tulsa, Oklahoma on March 29 and 30, 1979. cite web |url=http://amelia.db.erau.edu/reports/ntsb/aar/AAR79-17.pdf |title=NTSB (National Transportation Safety Board) Report] Evidence came from the flange, a critical part of the pylon assembly. It was revealed to be damaged before the crash, and investigators looked at the planes maintenance history and found it was serviced eight weeks before the crash. The pylon was damaged due to an ill-thought-out engine removal procedure. The original procedure called for removal of the engine prior to the removal of the engine pylon. To save time and costs, American Airlines, without the approval of McDonnell Douglas, had begun to use a faste r procedure. They instructed their mechanics to remove the engine with the pylon all together as one unit. A large forklift was used to support the engine while it was being detached from the wing. This procedure was extremely difficult to execute successfully, due to difficulties with holding the engine assembly straight while it was being removed. This method of engine-pylon removal was used to save man hours and was encouraged despite differences with the manufacturers specifications on how the procedure was supposed to be performed. The accident investigation also concluded that the design of the pylon and adjacent surfaces made the parts difficult to service and prone to damage by maintenance crews. According to the History Channel,cite video title = The Crash of Flight 191 url = http://store.aetv.com/html/product/index.jhtml?id=71451 publisher = The History Channel publisherid = AAE-71451 medium = DVD] United Airlines and Continental Airlines were also using a one-step procedure. After the accident, cracks were found in the bulkheads of DC-10s in both fleets. The procedure used for maintenance did not proceed smoothly. If the forklift was in the wrong position, the engine would rock like a see-saw and jam against the pylon attachment points. The forklift operator was guided by hand and voice signals; the position had to be spot-on or could cause damage, but management was unaware of this. The modification to the aircraft involved in flight 191 did not go smoothly; engineers started to disconnect the engine and pylon but changed shift halfway through; when work continued, the pylon was jammed on the wing and the forklift had to be re-positioned. This was important evidence because, in order to disconnect the pylon from the wing, a bolt had to be removed so that the flange could strike the clevis. The procedure used caused an indentation that damaged the clevis pin assembly and created an indentation in the housing of the self-aligning bearing, which in turn weakened the structure sufficiently to cause a small stress fracture. The fracture went unnoticed for several flights, getting worse with each flight that the plane had taken. During flight 191s takeoff, enough force was generated to finally cause the pylon to fail. At the point of rotation, the engine detached and was flipped over the top of the wing. The loss of the engine by itself should not have been enough to cause the accident. During an interview on Seconds From Disaster, Former NTSB investigator Michael Marx mentioned there were other incidents where the engine fell off, yet they landed without incident. Flight 191 would have been perfectly capable of returning to the airport using its remaining two engines, as the DC-10 is capable of staying airborne with any single engine out of operation. Unfortunately, several other factors combined to cause a catastrophic loss of control. The separation of the engine severed electrical wiring and hydraulic lines which were routed through the leading edge of the wing. The damage to the lines caused a loss of hydraulic pressure, which in turn led to uncommanded retraction of the outboard slats in the port wing. The DC-10 design included a back-up hydraulic system which should have been enough to keep the slats in place; however, both lines are too close together, a design also used on the DC-9. There should have been enough fluid to keep the slats extended, so investigators wanted to know why they were never re-extended by the pilot. The answer came from the end of the recording on the CVR. The number 1 engine powered both the recorder and the slat warning system, which left the pilot and co-pilot with no way of knowing about the position of the slats. Investigators examined the FDR to see what occurred after the engine detached. The procedure called for the captain to go to V2 which he did perfectly, but investigators found that it said nothing about incidents where the speed was already above V2, as it was in this case. Therefore, the pilot had to reduce speed. Simulator tests were done to see if this made a difference; 13 pilots followed the procedure 70 times and not one was able to recover. The NTSB concluded that reducing speed when the slats are back may actually have made it more difficult for the pilot to recover control of the aircraft. When a DC-10 is about to stall it gives two warnings: The first is the stick-shaker which causes the yoke to vibrate, and the second is a warning light that flashes. These combined warnings should have alerted the pilots to increase speed immediately. American Airlines had chosen to have the stick-shaker on the pilots side only, but the stick-shaker did not operate because it was powered by the missing left engine. In the event of an engine failure, it is possible for the flight engineer to switch the pilots controls to a backup power supply. However, inv estigators determined that in order for him to access the necessary switch, the engineer would have had to unfasten his seat belt, stand up, and turn around. The DC-10 hit the ground with a bank of 112ÂÂ °, and at a nose-down attitude of 21ÂÂ °. The NTSB concluded that given the circumstances of the situation, the pilots could not be reasonably blamed for the resulting accident. In his book Blind Trust, [cite book | title = Blind Trust | last=Nance | first=John J. | authorlink=John J. Nance | publisher = William Morrow Co | isbn = 0-688-05360-2 | year = 1987] John J. Nance argues that the 1978 Airline Deregulation Act caused havoc and induced cost-cutting in the industry, producing a serious erosion of the margin of safety for passengers. Nance argues that the industry reverted from an industry under partial surveillance to an industry running on the honor system. Aftermath Problems with DC-10s were discovered as a cause of the accident, including deficiencies in both design specifications and maintenance procedures which made damage very likely. Since the crash happened just before a Western Airlines DC-10 crashed in Mexico City and five years after a Turkish Airlines DC-10 crashed near Paris, the FAA quickly ordered all DC-10s to be grounded until all problems were solved. The result of the problem-solving was an arguably more efficient and safe DC-10. The US government fined American Airlines $500,000 for improper maintenance procedures, but the insurance settlement for the replacement of the aircraft gave American Airlines $25,000,000 beyond the amount of the fine.Fact|date=June 2007 Although the companys employees participated in an Im proud of the DC-10 campaign, McDonnell Douglas shares fell more than 20% following the crash of Flight 191. The DC-10 itself had a bad reputation, but ironically it was often caused by poor maintenance procedures, and not design flaw. In 1997 the McDonnell Douglas company was taken over by its rival, Boeing, which moved its corporate headquarters from Seattle to Chicago. Despite the safety concerns, the DC-10 went on to outsell its closest competitor, the Lockheed L-1011, by nearly 2 to 1. This was due to the L-1011s launch being delayed and the DC-10 having a greater choice of engines (the L-1011 was only available with Rolls-Royce engines, while the DC-10 could be ordered with General Electric or Pratt Whitney engines).

Acute Diverticulitis Essay -- Diseases, Disorders

On my third day of clinical course I had an African America patient age 72, female, a retired high school teacher who was admitted for an Acute Diverticulitis with Perforation. She is diabetic and had a medical and surgical history of diverticulitis, High Cholesterol, Non-Insulin-Dependent Diabetes Mellitus (NIDDM), Hysterectomy, and Scoliosis. She has been on clear liquid diet since she was admitted then she was Nothing by Mouth NPO for the CT scan for that day. When I got the assignment that I was going to be taking care of a patient with an acute diverticulitis, the first thing on my mind was that she will be in a severe abdominal pain, high fever due to infection because my aunty had same disease. To my surprise, she claimed a 0 /10 on a 0-10 pain scale. Her blood sugar and vital signs were normal except for respiratory that was 22. All her laboratory test results were normal including WBC. Patient concern was that she couldn’t have a bowel movement. She was me dicated on Colace- a stool softener, morphine for pain, sulfran for nausea, and azactam an antibiotics. Diverticulosis is a disease from the diverticulum. This is when the colon wall is been outpunched through the mucosa. These are small mucosal herniation bulging via smooth muscle and layers of the intestine along vasa recta formed opening in colon’s wall. Diverticulitis causes is still unknown but develop after a micro or macro perforation of diverticulum. Peritonitis is an end result from an intestinal rupture in the case of a large perforation. Clinically, diverticulosis could be asymptomatic or symptomatic, they are uncomplicated with no evidence of bleeding or inflammation. Signs and symptoms includes palpable mass and tenderness mostly i... ...an seven 6-ounce of glasses of fluid each day most especially for patients on pharmaceutical fiber supplements. Works Cited Ferzoco, K.H. (2010). Small bowel diverticulitis. The New England Journal of Medicine. 327: 302-7 Juchems, A.A. (2010). Long-term management of diverticulitis in young patients. Diseases of the Colon & Rectum. 58:627-629. Marinella, L.B. et al: (2010). Acute Diverticulitis. The New England Journal of Medicine. 327: 1521-1526 Painter, P.V. (2009). Diverticulitis. Gastroenterology Clinics of North America. 18:357-385. Spivak, W.K., & deSouza, J.M. (2008). Diverticulitis of the right colon. Digestive diseases and sciences. 49: 350-358 Wilcox, C.V. (2009). Limitation in the CT diagnosis of acute diverticulitis: Comparison of CT, contrast enema, pathologic findings in 16 patients. American Journal of Roentgenology. 201:381-385.

The Caribbean Islands Essay -- Socio-Cultural Areas Caribbean History

"The Caribbean" The Caribbean, a region usually exoticized and depicted as tropical and similar in its environmental ways, cannot be characterized as homogenous. Each individual island has their own diverse historical background when it comes to how and when they became colonized, which European country had the strongest influence on them, and the unique individual cultures that were integrated into one. The three authors Sidney W. Mintz, Antonio Benitez-Rojo, and Michelle Cliff, all and address the problem of the Caribbean’s identity. They each discuss how the Caribbean’s diverse culture was created and molded by each individual island’s history, how its society was molded by the development of plantations, how the Caribbean dealt with the issue of slavery, and how miscegenation and the integration of cultures, as a result of slavery, contributed to the region’s individualism in regards to culture. Colonialism and acculturation and their impacts on the Caribbean islands were also important issues discussed by Mintz, Benitez-Rojo, and Cliff. Although Mintz, Benitez-Rojo, and Cliff have the same intention in analyzing the Caribbean, they all use different approaches. Mintz, a social scientist, uses the social approach to describing the region, while Benitez-Rojo, a literary analyst, uses the humanistic approach as he implements the "Chaos Theory" in his breakdown of the Caribbean’s history, and Cliff uses a more personal approach. In The Caribbean as a Socio-cultural Area, Sidney W. Mintz emphasizes how it is inaccurate to describe the Caribbean as a "cultural" area due to its complicated history. Their culture can not be characterized as "unified" or "Pan-Caribbean." He states that "if by culture is meant a common body o... ...were a positive aspect of the Caribbean culture because they created an economy in the primarily primitive Caribbean. Mintz, Benitez-Rojo, and Cliff illustrate and reinforce the reasons why the Caribbean must not be confused as another homogeneous region of the world. With all the different characteristics and features that compose each individual island, each island deserves to have their own separate identities recognized and their history acknowledges. Of course, I believe that the integration of so many diverse cultures is what makes the Caribbean unique and special in its own way. Bibliography Benitez-Rojo, Antonio. The Repeating Island, Duke University, Durham & London, 1992. Cliff, Michelle. Abeng. Penguin Group, 1984. Mintz, Sidney W. The Caribbean as a Socio-Cultural Area, Peoples and Cultures of the Caribbean, Garden City, New Jersey, 1971. The Caribbean Islands Essay -- Socio-Cultural Areas Caribbean History "The Caribbean" The Caribbean, a region usually exoticized and depicted as tropical and similar in its environmental ways, cannot be characterized as homogenous. Each individual island has their own diverse historical background when it comes to how and when they became colonized, which European country had the strongest influence on them, and the unique individual cultures that were integrated into one. The three authors Sidney W. Mintz, Antonio Benitez-Rojo, and Michelle Cliff, all and address the problem of the Caribbean’s identity. They each discuss how the Caribbean’s diverse culture was created and molded by each individual island’s history, how its society was molded by the development of plantations, how the Caribbean dealt with the issue of slavery, and how miscegenation and the integration of cultures, as a result of slavery, contributed to the region’s individualism in regards to culture. Colonialism and acculturation and their impacts on the Caribbean islands were also important issues discussed by Mintz, Benitez-Rojo, and Cliff. Although Mintz, Benitez-Rojo, and Cliff have the same intention in analyzing the Caribbean, they all use different approaches. Mintz, a social scientist, uses the social approach to describing the region, while Benitez-Rojo, a literary analyst, uses the humanistic approach as he implements the "Chaos Theory" in his breakdown of the Caribbean’s history, and Cliff uses a more personal approach. In The Caribbean as a Socio-cultural Area, Sidney W. Mintz emphasizes how it is inaccurate to describe the Caribbean as a "cultural" area due to its complicated history. Their culture can not be characterized as "unified" or "Pan-Caribbean." He states that "if by culture is meant a common body o... ...were a positive aspect of the Caribbean culture because they created an economy in the primarily primitive Caribbean. Mintz, Benitez-Rojo, and Cliff illustrate and reinforce the reasons why the Caribbean must not be confused as another homogeneous region of the world. With all the different characteristics and features that compose each individual island, each island deserves to have their own separate identities recognized and their history acknowledges. Of course, I believe that the integration of so many diverse cultures is what makes the Caribbean unique and special in its own way. Bibliography Benitez-Rojo, Antonio. The Repeating Island, Duke University, Durham & London, 1992. Cliff, Michelle. Abeng. Penguin Group, 1984. Mintz, Sidney W. The Caribbean as a Socio-Cultural Area, Peoples and Cultures of the Caribbean, Garden City, New Jersey, 1971.